Since early 2010, Farrar’s blog has been high in Google’s rankings when searching my name, in relation to the end of democracy at Environment Canterbury regional council (ECan). Although he never lived here or met me, Farrar offers his prejudice as insight on this Christchurch-centred matter, which the internet does not forget and shallow culture can too easily believe. Against wild misconstrual and ignorance, let us set the record straight.
Rural rulers (echo “Royals” a la Lorde) take every resource that they can grab, instinctively, for existential growth of their farm. So their power plays in politics can be no different. This we found at ECan, where the race to the bottom – surfaced now in declining groundwater quality, as the price of international incompetence  – saw the same greedy grabs at the council table. Hence my dismay when the abominable – who’d taken all important resource portfolios and left public safety response to me – denied any opportunity to mitigate the risk they had tasked me with meeting. With climate-related hazards rising, ECan farm crooks had put me in the CDEM ambulance at the bottom of the cliff, then started irrigating towards landslides while locking me in the cab – to forestall any slip-stabilising work.
Farrar calls my reaction to this circumstance “hysteria”, but what would his have been? Oh, that’s right. Farrar has never offered any public service himself – just service to the National Party hierarchy of public pillage – a cowardly and equivalently corrupt critic from the sidelines.
Within a year it turned out that I was correct, in warning of dire “deficiencies in civil defence and emergency management (CDEM) preparedness” that cost 185 lives and many more injuries in Christchurch, unnecessarily. National still covers up for shocking silence and worse public management at that time, and Farrar shares the copious blood on National hands accordingly – in the Canterbury earthquakes and the Pike River Mine disaster of the same period. Electing these killers back into government defines the crude and misplaced material values by which New Zealand is easiest known. Shame!
But where is the opposition?
Even more revealingly, the Green Party sides with National on the dis-empowerment of regional democratic representation. After the September 4th, 2010 magnitude 7.1 Darfield quake, their Aoraki / Canterbury Co-Convener acted to silence ECan public CDEM in exile, and the warning of further quakes ahead, via Facebook primarily. This meant that come 22 February 2011′s 6.3 magnitude Christchurch earthquake, civilian blood spread from David Farrar’s National Party hands onto those of David Moorhouse.
As Executive Networker for the Aoraki province, Moorhouse could shape what the party thought about Green members in Canterbury and who should represent it. No coincidence, therefore, that Moorhouse soon emerged as a parliamentary candidate in the city and then Christchurch East. Full manipulation mode at play, just like under National – systemic abuse of authority – the Green Party drifts ever rightwards, anti-democratically. For David Moorhouse is the very embodiment of corruption, that the Greens do not know how to distinguish themselves from National on. And that is because the Green opposition is modelled upon the NZ Labour Party directly, who do not know clear distinguishment from Tory goals or act upon it either.
So when it comes to the strong, publicly-endorsed campaign to Save Our Water – which coheres this whole story, in restraint of industrial dairy conversion of deep New Zealand quality – Labour and the Greens have colluded to extinguish ‘the competing brand’. Evil monopolists too similar to National, vying for their own Parliamentary hegemony, Labour/Green – as “2021″ in Christchurch local politics historically – have prioritised their brand promotion at the expense of any other values, with professional external ring-ins often to push conformism.
The result? Losses to the right, that show Labour/Green to in fact have right-wing function: election of National loyalists David East and Paul Lonsdale in eastern city wards that could easily have upheld left-wing roots instead, had Labour/Green not combined as fake-left monopolists to usher them in as preferences to real left politics.
Green rightist David Moorhouse did not succeed in blocking Poto William’s election in the Christchurch East by-election this weekend, claiming 6.95% of the vote – well below the Green Party national average of around 12%.
2014′s direction remains unknown; Titanic.
 “Rik Tindall” http://www.kiwiblog.co.nz/2010/03/rik_tindall.html
 “Water nutrient pollution is a slowly-evolving crisis” http://www.stuff.co.nz/the-press/opinion/editorials/9434061/Water-nutrient-pollution-is-a-slowly-evolving-crisis and “Fonterra: ‘Must do better’” http://www.stuff.co.nz/southland-times/business/9448006/Fonterra-Must-do-better after a botulism scare http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2013_Fonterra_recall, 2013.
 CDEM: Civil Defence & Emergency Management portfolio chair at ECan, October 2007 to April 2010.
 Moorhouse is a Microsoft Windows-based “software developer” with a conflicted commercial interest in quashing competition from the free and open-source software movement that Green Party policy endorses. He is perfectly prepared to have others pay campaign contributions that he especially will gain public profile from, because illegitimately he has shut others candidates out – abused his administrative position. This corrupt Tory behaviour is a parallel, drawing on some ‘born-to-rule’ attitude of a city founding family, and is offensive. Green leaders Metiria Turei and Russel Norman are aware of Moorhouse’s self-serving, manipulative performance, but it has suited them conveniently to let it run. Principle and Green politics have proven to be very different things, which does not bode well for the future.